Turkish Journal of Iranian Studies (TJIS) Issue 7

This article examines the key historical events and underlying drivers shaping the dynamics of Turkey-Iran relations in the new millennium. It analyzes the impact of international and regional transformations, as well as domestic political developments in both countries, to assess the opportunities and limitations of strategic cooperation between these two pivotal regional powers. In this context, the study highlights the evolving geopolitical landscape and underscores the necessity for both countries to balance cooperation and competition. Historically, Turkey-Iran relations have been defined by a blend of pragmatic collaboration and strategic rivalry. While the early 2000s witnessed notable progress in economic and security cooperation, the Arab Spring and the Syrian crisis reignited ideological and geopolitical divergences. The 2016 coup attempt in Turkey introduced a new layer to bilateral dynamics, creating openings for tactical cooperation, even as U.S. regional policies, the Kurdish question, the Syrian conflict, and developments in the Caucasus intensified competition. Despite the presence of shared threats and interests, systemic and ideological constraints have limited the potential for a sustained strategic partnership. Trade volumes have declined, economic ties have weakened, and rivalry in the energy sector has grown. Nevertheless, mutual economic and security dependencies have compelled both sides to manage their relations pragmatically. The article explores how the transitional phase of the international system has reshaped Turkey-Iran relations and examines the challenges and opportunities embedded in this complex and fluid geopolitical environment.

The Qashqai, a Turkic community living in the southern regions of Iran, have played significant roles at various times in Iran’s political and cultural history, and even in its foreign policy. One of the most critical turning points in the political life of this community was the premiership of Mohammad Mossadegh. This article, addresses a gap in the Turkish-language literature by examining the position of the Qashqai during the Mossadegh era– one of the most important phases in their political history –and by exploring the extent of their rising influence in the international arena during this period. The aim of the study is to identify the reasons why the Qashqai, who had been largely pacified during Reza Shah’s reign, supported the Mossadegh administration, and to reveal their functions in this period. In this context, the study seeks to answer the following questions: “What were the main motivations that led the Qashqai to support the Mossadegh government? What were the Qashqai’s activities inside and outside the country during the Mossadegh era? How was the Qashqai’s position shaped in international diplomacy?” By focusing on a significant segment of the Qashqai’s political history, this study aims to contribute to filling an important gap in the relevant Turkish-language literature.

States that tried to realize the modern positivist ideology supported women’s participation in politics, which was a sign of modernity. In this context, Bahriye Üçok (1971) was chosen as a senator in the Republic of Türkiye, and Ferruhrû Pârsay (1968) was chosen as the first female minister in Pahlavi Iran. However, they were subject to criticism due to the views they defended. Pârsay was executed in 1980 by the decision of the Iranian Revolutionary Court due to accusations related to her activities during her term as Minister of Education, while Üçok was assassinated in 1990 due to her comments and statements about Islam and secularism. This article aims to comparatively examine the discourses of two scholars living in two bordering countries with a Muslim majority and chosen as political models on veiling in educational institutions. It attempts to answer the questions on which issues and why these views are seen as a threat by the opponents.The interaction between Türkiye and Iran is attempted to be explained using the comparative historiography method. This study was conducted by following a historical chronology, taking into account their proximity in time and space. The speech texts of Pârsay and Üçok, minutes, articles reflected in the press and SAVAK documents were used. As a result, these two female politicians did not approve of female students studying in educational institutions attending classes wearing chadors in Iran and headscarves in Turkey. Despite their many important activities on women’s rights and education, they were accused by the conservatives of being against the Islamic religion. However, they continued to courageously defend the official ideological views of the states they were chosen as models for. They played an important role in the political representation of women with the efforts and struggles they showed to serve their countries.